Frank Rich Op-Ed Columnist – The Good News About Mel Gibson

The Gibson tapes — in plain English and not requiring the subtitles of some of the star’s recent spectacles — are a particularly American form of schadenfreude. There’s little we enjoy more than watching a pampered zillionaire icon (Gibson’s production company is actually named Icon) brought low. The story would end there — just another tidy morality tale in the profuse annals of Hollywood self-destruction from Fatty Arbuckle to Lindsay Lohan — were it not for Gibson’s unique back story.

Six years ago he was not merely an A-list movie star with a penchant for drinking and boorish behavior but also a powerful and canonized figure in the political and cultural pantheon of American conservatism. That he has reached rock bottom tells us nothing new about Gibson. He was the same talented, nasty, bigoted blowhard then that he is today. But his fall says a lot about the changes in our country over the past six years. We shouldn’t take those changes for granted. We should take stock — and celebrate. They are good news.

Does anyone remember 2004? It seems a civilization ago. That less-than-vintage year was in retrospect the nadir of the American war over “values.” The kickoff fracas was Janet Jackson’s breast-baring “wardrobe malfunction” at the Super Bowl, which prompted a new crackdown against televised “indecency” by the Federal Communications Commission. By December Fox News and its allies were fomenting hysteria about a supposed war on Christmas, with Newt Gingrich warning of a nefarious secular plot “to abolish the word Christmas” altogether and Jerry Falwell attacking Mayor Michael Bloomberg for using the euphemism “holiday tree” at the annual tree-lighting ceremony at Rockefeller Center. In between these discrete culture wars came a presidential election in which the Bush-Rove machine tried to whip up evangelical turnout by sowing panic over gay marriage.

It was into that tinderbox of America 2004 that Gibson tossed his self-financed and self-directed movie about the crucifixion, “The Passion of the Christ.” The epic was timed to detonate in the nation’s multiplexes on Ash Wednesday, after one of the longest and most divisive promotional campaigns in Hollywood history.

Gibson is in such disgrace today that it’s hard to fathom all the fuss he and his biblical epic engendered back then. The commotion began with the revelation that his father, Hutton, was a prominent and vociferous Holocaust denier and that both father and son were proselytizers for a splinter sect of Roman Catholicism that rejected the reforms of the Second Vatican Council, including the lifting of the “Christ-killers” libel from the Jews. Jewish leaders and writers understandably worried that “The Passion” might be as anti-Semitic as the Passion plays of old. Gibson’s response was to hold publicity screenings for the right-wing media and political establishment, including a select Washington soiree attended by notables like Peggy Noonan, Kate O’Beirne and Linda Chavez. (The only nominal Jew admitted was Matt Drudge.) The attendees then used their various pulpits to assure the world that the movie was divine — and certainly nothing that should trouble Jews. “I can report it is free of anti-Semitism,” vouchsafed Robert Novak after his “private viewing.”

Uninvited Jewish writers (like me) who kept raising questions about the unreleased film and its exclusionary rollout were vilified for crucifying poor Mel. Bill O’Reilly of Fox News asked a reporter from Variety “respectfully” if Gibson was being victimized because “the major media in Hollywood and a lot of the secular press is controlled by Jewish people.” Such was the ugly atmosphere of the time that these attempts at intimidation were remarkably successful. Many mainstream media organizations did puff pieces on the star or his film, lest they be labeled “anti-Christian” when an ascendant religious right was increasingly flexing its muscles in the corridors of power in Washington.

Both George and Laura Bush expressed eagerness to see “The Passion.” There were reports (spread by the film’s producer and never confirmed) that the very frail Pope John Paul II had given a thumbs-up after his own screening at the Vatican. The Wall Street Journal editorial page, which would publish several encomiums to “The Passion,” ran a sneak preview likening the film to “a documentary by Caravaggio.” Even The New Yorker ran a deferential profile of Gibson — in which the star said he wanted to kill me and my dog (though, alas, I had no dog) and have my “intestines on a stick.” Far more troubling was the article’s whitewashing of Gibson’s father’s record as a Holocaust denier. In the America of 2004, Mel Gibson, box office king and conservative culture hero, was invincible.

Once “The Passion” could be seen by ticket buyers — who would reward it with a $370 million domestic take (behind only “Shrek 2” and “Spider-Man 2” that year) — the truth could no longer be spun by Gibson’s claque. The movie was nakedly anti-Semitic, to the extreme that the Temple priests were all hook-nosed Shylocks and Fagins with rotten teeth. It was also ludicrously violent — a homoerotic “exercise in lurid sadomasochism,” as Christopher Hitchens described it then, for audiences who “like seeing handsome young men stripped and flayed alive over a long period of time.” Nonetheless, many of the same American pastors who routinely inveighed against show-business indecency granted special dispensation to their young congregants to attend this R-rated fleshfest.

It seems preposterous in retrospect that a film as bigoted and noxious as “The Passion” had so many reverent defenders in high places in 2004. Once Gibson, or at least the subconscious Gibson, baldly advertised his anti-Semitism with his obscene tirade during a 2006 D.U.I. incident in Malibu, his old defenders had no choice but to peel off. Today you never hear conservatives mention their embrace of “The Passion” back then — if they mention Gibson at all. (Fox News has barely covered the new tapes.) But it isn’t just Gibson who has been discredited. Even as he self-immolated, so did many of the moral paragons who had rallied around him as a culture-war martyr.

Take, for instance, the president of the National Association of Evangelicals. During the “Passion” wars, he had tried to blackmail Gibson’s critics by publicly noting that Christians are “a major source of support for Israel” and that Jewish leaders would be “shortsighted” to “risk alienating two billion Christians over a movie.” That evangelical leader was Ted Haggard, the Colorado megachurch pastor since brought down by a male prostitute. Gibson’s only outspoken rabbinical defender in 2004, the far-right Daniel Lapin, would be sullied in the scandals surrounding the subsequently jailed Washington lobbyist Jack Abramoff. William Donohue of the Catholic League — who defended Gibson in 2004 by saying, “Hollywood is controlled by secular Jews who hate Christianity in general and Catholicism in particular” — has been reduced these days to the marginal role of attacking The Times for reporting on priestly child abuse.

The cultural wave that crested with “The Passion” was far bigger than Gibson. He was simply a symptom and beneficiary of a moment when the old religious right and its political and media shills were riding high. In 2010, the American ayatollahs’ ranks have been depleted by death (Falwell), retirement (James Dobson) and rent boys (too many to name). What remains of that old guard is stigmatized by its identification with poisonous crusades, from the potentially lethal antihomosexuality laws in Uganda to the rehabilitation campaign for the “born-again” serial killer David Berkowitz (“Son of Sam”) in America.

Conservative America’s new signature movement, the Tea Party, has its own extremes, but it shuns culture-war battles. It even remained mum when a federal judge in Massachusetts struck down the anti-same-sex marriage Defense of Marriage Act this month. As the conservative commentator Kyle Smith recently wrote in The New York Post, the “demise of Reagan-era groups like the Christian Coalition and the Moral Majority is just as important” as the rise of the Tea Party. “The morality armies have failed to inspire their children to join the crusade,” he concluded, and not unhappily. The right, too, is subject to generational turnover.

As utter coincidence would have it, the revelation of the latest Gibson tapes was followed last week by the news that a federal appeals court, in a 3-0 ruling, had thrown out the indecency rules imposed by the F.C.C. after Janet Jackson’s 2004 “wardrobe malfunction.” The death throes of Mel Gibson’s career feel less like another Hollywood scandal than the last gasps of an American era.

 

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America’s Got Talent – Connor Doran – Indoor Kite Flying

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Reclaiming Judaism as a Spiritual Practice

Check out this website I found at reclaimingjudaism.org

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In the book section, look at the new book – Seeking and Soaring:

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Seeking and Soaring provides a fascinating opportunity to individually meet and learn from many of the leading Jewish spiritual directors, teachers and scholars of our time.

Introduction by Rabbi Zalman Schachter-Shalomi

Chapters by: Howard Avruhm Addison, Barbara Eve Breitman, Anne Brener, Mitchell Chefitz, Sandra Cohen, Wayne Dosick, Ellen Kaufman Dosick, Shulamit Fagan, Estelle Frankel, Elliot Ginsburg, Shefa Gold, Nadya Gross, Chaya Gusfield, Burt Jacobson, Raachel Jurovics, Ruth Gan Kagan, David Daniel Klipper, Goldie Milgram, Marcia Prager, Joyce Reinitz, Melinda Ribner, Carola de Vries Robles, Carol Rose, Zalman Schachter-Shalomi, Rami Shapiro, Hanna Tiferet Siegel, Shohama Harris Wiener, David Zaslow and Shawn Israel Zevit

NAACP Delegates Vote to Repudiate Racist Elements Within Tea Party | NAACP

NAACP Delegates Vote to Repudiate Racist Elements Within Tea Party

Today, NAACP delegates passed a resolution to condemn extremist elements within the Tea Party, calling on Tea Party leaders to repudiate those in their ranks who use racist language in their signs and speeches.

The resolution came after a year of high-profile media coverage of attendees of Tea Party marches using vial, antagonistic racial slurs & images. In March, respected members of the Congressional Black Caucus reported that racial epithets were hurled at them as they passed by a Washington, DC health care protest. Civil rights legend John Lewis was called the “n-word” in the incident while others in the crowd used ugly anti-gay slurs to describe Congressman Barney Frank, a long-time NAACP supporter and the nation’s first openly gay member of Congress.

Missouri Representative Emmanuel Cleaver was spat on during the incident, and so it was particularly appropriate that the resolution was passed as NAACP delegates gathered in Kansas City for our 101st Annual Convention.

The proposed resolution had generated controversy on conservative blogs, where in some cases the language has been misconstrued to imply that the NAACP was condemning the entire Tea Party movement itself as racist.

The resolution will not become official NAACP policy until approved by the National Board of Directors in October.

Photos courtesy of ThinkProgress.org

 

 

 

 

 

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Background on the Rotem Conversion Bill – URJ

Background on the Rotem Conversion Bill

Sunday, July 12th, abruptly and with no warning, a committee vote was held on the bill sponsored by Member of the Knesset David Rotem that poses a dangerous threat to the rights of Conservative, Reform, and all non-Orthodox Jews, who comprise the overwhelming majority of world Jewry.

It has evoked the staunch, determined opposition of the vast majority of North American Jewry including the Reform, Conservative and Reconstructionist Movements, the Federation system and individual organizations like the American Jewish Committee.

Leaders at the highest levels of Israeli politics including key Likud leaders such as the Prime Minister, Jewish Agency Chairman Natan Sharansky, Minister Yuli Edelstein, and leaders of the Kadima and Labor parties strongly oppose moving the current legislation, believing it would have an enormously divisive impact on Israel–Diaspora relations at a very challenging time for Israel and the Jewish people.

For 2,000 years, Judaism has treated Jews-by-choice (converts) the same as Jews-by-birth. This treatment is rooted in the Talmudic teaching that “as soon as a convert emerges from the mikvah (ritual bath) she or he is Jewish for all purposes.” (Yevamot 47b).

Since its founding 62 years ago, the State of Israel, through the Law of Return, has welcomed Jews from around the world as citizens in the world’s only Jewish state.
This legislation would delegitimize all non-Orthodox conversions. It would also preclude conferring citizenship under the Law of Return to Jews who did not qualify for such status on a prior visit (ie. converts).

This bill poses a threat to the unity of the people of Israel and the State of Israel. All religious streams in Judaism must be treated fairly and equally to ensure Israel lives up to its promise as a Jewish and democratic state.

Key Points

  1. This is an issue of enormous importance to the character of Israel and to Diaspora Jewry in the US and around the world. No matter cuts more deeply to the heart of the Jewish religion than the issue of who is a Jew. Legislation now poised to move through the Knesset makes alarming changes in the status of Reform and Conservative conversions and affects all those interested in undergoing a conversion within the framework of the Reform and Masorti (Conservative) Movements in Israel and also anyone interested in converting overseas, if they ever visited Israel prior to their conversion.

  2. Two additional changes have just been added to the bill:

  1. The first would functionally change the Law of Return, disqualifying for the first time in Israel’s history, converts by Reform and Conservative Rabbis under many circumstances.

  2. The second addition is to fully consolidate all authority in the hands of the increasingly hard-line Chief Rabbinate. In the complex Israeli political system, where religious pluralism is not acknowledged, the non-Orthodox movements have had to rely on the Supreme Court in order to secure their status. This bill will grant, for the first time, legal status to the Chief Rabbinate in the field of conversion, and will adversely affect the Court’s ability to effectively enforce the recognition of non-Orthodox conversions, setting back a number of advances the Reform and Conservative Movements made in the past decade.

The proposed law, in an unprecedented attempt, threatens the rights of converts who converted outside of Israel and differentiates for the first time in Jewish history between the rights of Jews by birth and Jews by choice.

  • This move was a breach of good faith by the legislation’s proponents. Over the past few months, Diaspora Jewish, Israeli Progressive and Conservative leaders and Israeli political leaders have been in intense discussions seeking to avoid a danger to Israeli and US relations posed by passage of a new conversion bill. MK Rotem and PM Netanyahu had assured us that they would not move ahead without working through their differences with the Diaspora communities. Clearly under pressure from the right wing and the religious parties, that agreement was breached and we were stunned by the abrupt move to push this through.
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    Grease Sing-A-Long, Fun, yet creepy postmodern experience

    original to MysticalCreative by Owen Gottlieb

    Copyright Owen Gottlieb, 2010 
    No reproduction without attribution to author and link back to original

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    Just before the screening, the Loew’s reminder to “Don’t add your own soundtrack” plays. They forgot this happens to be a “Sing-A-Long.” Because of modern digital projection, it appears more crystal clear than in its original 1978 debut. No print scratches, no reel change marks, just crystal clear (though apparently also digitally enhanced and altered) pixels.

    When the opening song plays, there are no lyrics and the audience hestitates to sing, a few hum. Now why in a Sing-A-Long, aren’t there lyrics to the opening tune?

    The corporate hand of Paramount seems to desire to strictly control our singing. The songs in the background, like the Rydell Alma Mater evoke singing from a smattering of audience members, because even though we know the lyrics, the lack of lyrics is both confusing at first, and then slowly obvious that _this_ section is not sanctioned.

    How odd to attempt to create a participatory experience, then select which parts to sanction singing?

    This is not the Rocky Horror Picture Show – sing only when you are told to sing. If there is commentary to be made, the film itself will grafitti on-screen the commentary – such as during Rizzo’s solo.

    And then there is the pink and blue highlighted lyrics, gender specific, doctored with illustrations and what appear to be digital flare painted in along with digitally boosted jet-thruster sound (the blasting car engine far louder and more airplane like than I remember).

    And yet, it’s fun to sing with the audience. It feels communals when everyone pumps their fists into the air during Greased Lightning and a rather average Loew’s feels in a few moments more like BAM during last year’s anniversary of The Muppet Movie. That shared feeling of experience together than only happens in a packed movie theater – though here the theater is not even full.

    But the postmodern creep factor is close-at-hand. All at once, while watching, I’m playing back scenes in my head from Pulp Fiction when Travolta makes his come back, from The West Wing and Six Degrees of Separation where Stockard Channing shines – her Rizzo performance is pretty remarkable back in 78. There’s something deeply tragic in watching Jeff Conway’s performance of the rough-around-the edges Kenicke, having watched his agonizing decades long downward spiral on Celebrity ReHab.  

    And then there is Sid Caeser playing the Coach Calhoun. There is something strange about seeing Caeser in one of his character roles of the 70s – pehraps because recently I’ve been watching documentaries on his work in teh fifites — this is the man whose writer’s room included Woody Allen, Carl Reiner (a preview for Rob Reiner’s new film played prior to the film), and Neil Simon. Here, rather than the tall imposing master comedian, he’s a withering straight man to Travolta. Oh, and I haven’t yet mentioned The Guru, a favorite comedy from 2007 with Jimi Mistry and Heather Graham – which uses sequences from Grease – the lead character is inspired to move to America by one of his favorite films – Grease.

    Then there are the Glee takes this past year on Olivia Newton John’s “Physical” and the reworking of a melodramatic high school experience – as if Nip/Tuck met both Grease and Fame.  Having Gleeked out, it’s hard not to read it back into Grease.

    Thank goodness for the dance sequencences and the chance to sing, because otherwise it was impossible to watch without all the years of accrued pop-culture layered on top of each moment – some joyous, some tragic, some strange, like the twists and turns of Hollywood culture for the last 30 years.

    Ponderous.

    David Brooks misses the Medium in “The Medium Is the Medium”

    Somehow, Brooks (in the op-Ed below) appears to have missed the research at MIT, Stanford, Wisconsin-Madison, NYU, the MacArthur Foundation and frankly, pretty much all of the research in Digital Media and Learning.  It is also unlikely that he has watched how young people learn today with their mobile devices – NPR just did a story on Stanford taking much of it’s engineering library off the shelf and on-line.

    The irony is that had Brooks used 21st century internet-based reading and participation techniques, they would have lead him to that research.  Note that he has not posted a single response to any of the 255 comments on the article – the antithesis of 21st century learning – which is participating in a network.  It appears that Brooks has taken very limited steps to participate, experiment, or practice in the medium he is calling into question.

     

    By David Brooks

    Then the researchers, led by Richard Allington of the University of Tennessee, looked at those students’ test scores. They found that the students who brought the books home had significantly higher reading scores than other students. These students were less affected by the “summer slide” — the decline that especially afflicts lower-income students during the vacation months. In fact, just having those 12 books seemed to have as much positive effect as attending summer school.

    This study, along with many others, illustrates the tremendous power of books. We already knew, from research in 27 countries, that kids who grow up in a home with 500 books stay in school longer and do better. This new study suggests that introducing books into homes that may not have them also produces significant educational gains.

    Recently, Internet mavens got some bad news. Jacob Vigdor and Helen Ladd of Duke’s Sanford School of Public Policy examined computer use among a half-million 5th through 8th graders in North Carolina. They found that the spread of home computers and high-speed Internet access was associated with significant declines in math and reading scores.

    This study, following up on others, finds that broadband access is not necessarily good for kids and may be harmful to their academic performance. And this study used data from 2000 to 2005 before Twitter and Facebook took off.

    These two studies feed into the debate that is now surrounding Nicholas Carr’s book, “The Shallows.” Carr argues that the Internet is leading to a short-attention-span culture. He cites a pile of research showing that the multidistraction, hyperlink world degrades people’s abilities to engage in deep thought or serious contemplation.

    Carr’s argument has been challenged. His critics point to evidence that suggests that playing computer games and performing Internet searches actually improves a person’s ability to process information and focus attention. The Internet, they say, is a boon to schooling, not a threat.

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